Questõesde PUC - RJ 2013

Carbonato de cobalto é um sal muito pouco solúvel em água e, quando saturado na presença de corpo de fundo, a fase sólida se encontra em equilíbrio com os seus íons no meio aquoso.

CoCO3(s) ⇌ Co2+(aq) + CO32-(aq)

Sendo o produto de solubilidade do carbonato de cobalto, a 25 oC, igual a 1,0 x 10-10, a solubilidade do sal, em mol L-1, nessa temperatura é

A reação do iodato de potássio com bissulfito de sódio, em meio aquoso pode ser representada na sua forma iônica, sem os íons espectadores, como segue:

IO3-(aq) + HSO3-(aq) → I-(aq) + SO42-(aq) + H+(aq)

No balanço de massa e no balanço de carga com os menores coeficientes inteiros, a relação entre as quantidades, em mol, da espécie oxidante e da espécie redutora é de:

O sulfeto de ferro pode ser usado como matéria prima para produção de ácido sulfúrico como indicado na reação.

4 FeS + 9 O2 + 4 H2O → 2 Fe2O3 + 4 H2SO4

Numa reação completa e com FeS como reagente limitante, a massa desse sulfeto metálico que mais se aproxima da necessária para produzir 10 mol de H2SO4 é:

The text ‘Brazil as a bridge between old and new powers?’ has been extracted from a text published in the periodical International Affairs, issue nº 89. The issue, as stated by the editors in an introductory article, ‘… has been divided into two parts. Part one comprises case-studies of three rising powers — Brazil, India and China — while the articles in part two cover the various actors and entities that have reason and/or ability to attempt to manage the rise of new powers. (…) These multiple actors may be grouped into four categories…’

The following definitions were given in the introductory article for each of the categories:

1. This group comprises states and groupings of states that have acquired, over the past decades, the role of agendasetters as Great Powers. They have exerted defining influence in shaping the rules and norms of global governance. Despite their relative decline (especially with reference to the rising powers), they still have enough power to act as gatekeepers to the inner sanctums of international regimes.

2. In this category are the countries that represent the proverbial grass that gets trampled when elephants fight. They often form the unfortunate terrain on which scrambles for power can occur, but are also occasionally able to exercise powerful leverage by providing the follower base that aspiring leaders seek, and legitimize claims to greater power by securing for those leaders the backing of large numbers.

3. As the shift in the balance of power that we see under way today is not occurring simply between states, this category includes businesses and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that have emerged as repositories and brokers of power, effectively harnessed by states at different levels of the hierarchy and harnessing them to serve their own causes in turn.

4. This category recognizes that most international organizations, regimes and networks are seldom ‘actors’ in their own right. But different organizations, networks and regimes, even when made up of similar memberships, show different degrees of adaptability and reform in response to the needs and demands posed by rising powers.

In the definition transcribed in number 1 , the fragment “Despite their relative decline (…) they still have enough power to act as gatekeepers to the inner sanctums of international regimes.” means that

The text ‘Brazil as a bridge between old and new powers?’ has been extracted from a text published in the periodical International Affairs, issue nº 89. The issue, as stated by the editors in an introductory article, ‘… has been divided into two parts. Part one comprises case-studies of three rising powers — Brazil, India and China — while the articles in part two cover the various actors and entities that have reason and/or ability to attempt to manage the rise of new powers. (…) These multiple actors may be grouped into four categories…’

The following definitions were given in the introductory article for each of the categories:

1. This group comprises states and groupings of states that have acquired, over the past decades, the role of agendasetters as Great Powers. They have exerted defining influence in shaping the rules and norms of global governance. Despite their relative decline (especially with reference to the rising powers), they still have enough power to act as gatekeepers to the inner sanctums of international regimes.

2. In this category are the countries that represent the proverbial grass that gets trampled when elephants fight. They often form the unfortunate terrain on which scrambles for power can occur, but are also occasionally able to exercise powerful leverage by providing the follower base that aspiring leaders seek, and legitimize claims to greater power by securing for those leaders the backing of large numbers.

3. As the shift in the balance of power that we see under way today is not occurring simply between states, this category includes businesses and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that have emerged as repositories and brokers of power, effectively harnessed by states at different levels of the hierarchy and harnessing them to serve their own causes in turn.

4. This category recognizes that most international organizations, regimes and networks are seldom ‘actors’ in their own right. But different organizations, networks and regimes, even when made up of similar memberships, show different degrees of adaptability and reform in response to the needs and demands posed by rising powers.

The text ‘Brazil as a bridge between old and new powers?’ has been extracted from a text published in the periodical International Affairs, issue nº 89. The issue, as stated by the editors in an introductory article, ‘… has been divided into two parts. Part one comprises case-studies of three rising powers — Brazil, India and China — while the articles in part two cover the various actors and entities that have reason and/or ability to attempt to manage the rise of new powers. (…) These multiple actors may be grouped into four categories…’

The following definitions were given in the introductory article for each of the categories:

1. This group comprises states and groupings of states that have acquired, over the past decades, the role of agendasetters as Great Powers. They have exerted defining influence in shaping the rules and norms of global governance. Despite their relative decline (especially with reference to the rising powers), they still have enough power to act as gatekeepers to the inner sanctums of international regimes.

2. In this category are the countries that represent the proverbial grass that gets trampled when elephants fight. They often form the unfortunate terrain on which scrambles for power can occur, but are also occasionally able to exercise powerful leverage by providing the follower base that aspiring leaders seek, and legitimize claims to greater power by securing for those leaders the backing of large numbers.

3. As the shift in the balance of power that we see under way today is not occurring simply between states, this category includes businesses and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that have emerged as repositories and brokers of power, effectively harnessed by states at different levels of the hierarchy and harnessing them to serve their own causes in turn.

4. This category recognizes that most international organizations, regimes and networks are seldom ‘actors’ in their own right. But different organizations, networks and regimes, even when made up of similar memberships, show different degrees of adaptability and reform in response to the needs and demands posed by rising powers.

The sequence that matches the category with its definition is:

Considerando essas substâncias, pode-se afirmar que:

Após dez anos do Golpe de 1964, no Brasil, o regime militar iniciou um processo de distensão política. Este período de “abertura política” durou até 1985, quando o país voltou a ter um presidente civil.

Sobre este período (1974-1985), É INCORRETO afirmar:

Aquecer uma gordura na presença de uma base consiste em um método tradicional de obtenção de sabão (sal de ácido graxo), chamado de saponificação.

Dentre as opções, a estrutura que representa um sabão é

Na Argentina contemporânea, é possível perceber a permanência e a força do peronismo na eleição de diversos e sucessivos governantes que se dizem seus herdeiros. As alternativas abaixo expressam características da experiência política do governo Perón de 1946-1955.

I – Antes de sua eleição em 1946, Juan Domingo Perón ocupou o cargo de secretário do Trabalho e Previdência Social, no governo instaurado em 1943 pelos militares do GOU, no exercício do qual iniciou uma política trabalhista que, em pouco tempo, o transformou em importante líder dos trabalhadores.

II – Em 1955, Perón concorre à reeleição e perde para o candidato da União Democrática, deixando o poder depois de dez anos, apesar do apoio das Forças Armadas, da Igreja e dos trabalhadores.

III – Muitas medidas de caráter nacionalista foram levadas avante pelo governo peronista, desde a nacionalização das estradas de ferro e de outras empresas de transporte, de empresas elétricas, dos serviços telefônicos, até a criação de uma frota aérea do Estado (Aerolíneas Argentinas) e da empresa Gás do Estado.

IV – O peronismo caracterizou-se pela introdução de uma política de massas que resultou na configuração de um Estado intervencionista, tendo à frente um líder carismático que conduziu uma política baseada na ideia de “Justicialismo”.

São afirmativas corretas: